Washington and Pyongyang should make practical concessions to promote mutual trust and defuse tensions

In another sign of easing tensions between Washington and Pyongyang, former US president Jimmy Carter will lead a private delegation to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) from April 26 to 28.

Carter's delegation will include former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, former president of Ireland Mary Robinson, former prime minister of Norway Gro Harlem Brundtland, and Martti Ahtisaar, former president of Finland.

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The high-profile visit, amid protracted tensions on the Korean Peninsula, and at a time when no definite date has been set for resuming the stalled Six-Party Talks, is seen as a prelude to international efforts aimed at easing tensions and defusing the nuclear crisis on the peninsula.

However, whether the delegation can achieve any progress on the issue remains in doubt given that the DPRK has persisted in its policy of nuclear development and that both the United States and DPRK want the other to make concessions. The recent West-led military strikes against Libya have possibly reinforced Pyongyang's adherence to such a long-held policy and increased its determination to develop its own nuclear capability.

Pyongyang's nuclear program has escalated its tensions with the US, and the calls by Washington's hawkish politicians for a military strike against the DPRK have increased Pyongyang's determination to develop its nuclear program amid fears of being attacked by the US and the Republic of Korea.

The lack of mutual trust between the US and the DPRK has worsened the security situation in Northeast Asia and testifies to a reality of international politics that a country which only focuses on its own security will escalate tensions with others.

By developing its nuclear program, the DPRK's could gain some leverage in multilateral talks and acquire much-needed economic assistance. Pyongyang also wants to improve its external security environment to realize its political targets and sign a treaty of mutual non-aggression with Washington before taking concrete measures to abandon its nuclear program in a verifiable manner.

The current stalemate on the Korean Peninsula could be resolved if both the US and the DPRK took the correct steps.

To achieve a reconciliation, Washington should first make some concessions to Pyongyang to help build a much needed trust mechanism between the two decades-long rivals. As the world's only superpower the US holds the initiative, and concessions by Washington would exert huge pressure on the DPRK.

The US should be aware that such concessions do not mean unconditional compromises and that its policy toward the DPRK should not focus only on easing the security situation on the peninsula but also on a final settlement of the issue.

In response, the DPRK should take some practical steps toward abandoning its nuclear program to defuse the concerns of the international community.

The two countries should also try to strengthen their high-level mutual visits to reduce mutual misunderstanding and ease misgivings. The US and the DPRK should construct a security environment based on trust, increase their military transparency and conduct more exchanges between military personnel to enhance mutual trust.

At the same time, the US and other parties concerned should offer the DPRK a security assurance and push forward the much-needed disarmament in the two Koreas to help them build a long-lacked mutual trust mechanism.

A "normal" DPRK needs a peaceful external environment. The US and its allies should refrain from conducting military exercises in neighboring waters and other provocative activities in a bid to expand mutual trust and create a favorable environment for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

The US should also give a helping hand to the DPRK with its long-overdue reform process and offer Pyongyang some humanitarian assistance.

The international community should try to help extricate the DPRK from its lingering economic predicament and support the integration of the long-reclusive country into the international community.

The author is an associate research fellow with the Center for East Asian Studies, Jilin province.